The political parties contesting the March 5 parliamentary elections have failed to field one-third of women candidates under the first-past-the-post (FPTP), ignoring the Election Commission’s directive and calls from rights activists.

Nominations lists show alarmingly low representation of women, raising questions about political parties’ commitment to gender equality. In December, the constitutional poll management body had instructed political parties to ensure at least 33 percent of their candidates are female under the FPTP system. Even as the call is not legally binding, the directive was issued in line with the spirit of the Constitution of Nepal which envisions proportional representation of all sections of the population in the state machinery.

However, the public lists show that many parties have ignored this directive, including those that claim to be different from traditional political forces.

Among the major political parties, the Nepali Congress (NC), the largest party in the dissolved House of Representatives, has nominated 11 women candidates for direct elections. This accounts for around 6.67 percent of the 165 FPTP seats nationwide, far below the mandated one-third threshold. Party insiders acknowledge that the number does not even reach a minimal proportion of total candidates fielded so far.

Similarly, the CPN-UML, one of the country’s largest parties, has reportedly allocated around eight seats to women, which represents 4.85 percent of total FPTP seats. The figure is also a decline from 11 women candidates fielded by the party in the previous election.

The Nepali Communist Party (NCP), which was formed after a merger between Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s CPN (Maoist Centre) and several other fringe leftist parties, has nominated 10 women candidates, amounting to just over 6 percent of total FPTP seats; still far short of the Election Commission’s 33 percent recommendation.

The Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which has frequently criticised traditional parties for failing to promote inclusion and accountability, has nominated 17 women candidates. Out of 165 FPTP seats, this amounts to 10.3 percent, still far below the mandated threshold. Despite projecting itself as a reformist alternative, the party’s candidate list shows limited representation of women, raising questions about whether its promises of political transformation extends to gender inclusion.

Other parties that have announced their candidate lists show similar patterns, suggesting that meeting the one-third requirement may be a challenge.

UML leader Bidya Bhattarai said a narrative has taken hold among political parties that proportional representation (PR) is the appropriate space for women, while direct elections are reserved for men.

‘‘While the PR system appears to create opportunities for women, it is increasingly being used as a mechanism to block them from contesting direct seats,” said Bhattarai, a former education minister.

According to her, political parties do not feel compelled to meet the 33 percent requirement in direct election because it is not strictly enforced, and they believe the quota can be balanced through PR lists. She added, ‘‘Women candidates lack the support mechanisms, networks, and political backing that male candidates typically enjoy within party structures.’’

She also pointed to financial barriers as a key obstacle. Bhattarai said, ‘‘Women are often discouraged by a narrative suggesting they are incapable of raising the resources required for direct election campaigns.’’

Echoing similar concerns, Laxmi Kumari Shrestha, deputy mayor of Karjanha Municipality in Siraha and a leader of Janata Samajbadi Party (JSP) Nepal, said patriarchal dominance within political parties continues to shape ticket distribution.

She said, “Resistance at the grassroots level remains strong in regions such as Madhesh province, where there is still hesitation to accept women as political leaders.’’ This societal reluctance makes parties hesitant to award direct tickets to women for fear of losing seats.

Shrestha also highlighted the financial burden of contesting direct elections, saying, ‘‘Without strong party backing, most women cannot manage the economic cost of campaigning.’’

Priya Sigdel, a social entrepreneur and women’s rights activist, said, ‘‘Politics in Nepal has long been controlled by men, making women’s struggle unavoidable.’’ Despite individual efforts across parties, women’s collective power beyond tokenism has consistently been blocked, and this is clearly reflected in how candidates are nominated.

She added, ‘‘Nepal may have seen generational change, but real change in terms of gender inclusion remains distant. From votes to tickets, decisions are still made by men, whether in old systems or new.’’

Sigdel also said, ‘‘The Election Commission should have the power to reject candidate lists that do not meet the 33 percent requirement, not just issue instructions. Without real consequences, the same men will continue to ignore the rules.’’

While the Election Commission issued explicit instructions on women’s participation, there appears to be little immediate enforcement, allowing parties to proceed without meeting the legal and moral obligation.

Narayan Prasad Bhattarai, spokesperson at the commission, said they issued the directive expecting that the parties would respect the inclusive principle. “The directive was issued in good faith. But the parties chose to ignore it,” he said. “We cannot enforce the provision in the absence of a law.”

Women make up more than half of Nepal’s population, yet their limited participation in direct electoral contests continues to raise concerns about democratic representation and gender equity in politics.