“Even through the flames, even through the ashes in the sky…we dream as one.” Released on November 14, this fabulous song by Miley Cyrus, recorded for the blockbuster movie, Avatar: Fire and Ash, is likely to win many prestigious awards. More importantly, this song—and the movie, of course—encourages people of all nations, of the entire planet, to unite for a common cause. Nepali politicians would be well-disposed to watch the wonderful film, still running in Nepali cinemas, and learn some lessons from it.

Quite the opposite: We’ve recently witnessed an unexpected and spectacular division of the Nepali Congress (NC), Nepal’s oldest and largest party, which boasts of being the foundation of Nepali democracy and freedom. While the Congress has not split as frequently as communist parties, and not as antagonistically—its division right before the March elections, as the Election Commission is seeking electoral candidates from all parties—has made the elections potentially uncertain.

This is terrible news because elections are the only way to bring our constitution and democracy back on track. Political parties must act wisely and decisively to ensure that the polls are not disrupted.

Why the hurry?

Many political pundits, as well as leaders of the NC, have failed to appreciate the real reason why two relatively young politicians, Gagan Thapa and Bishwa Prakash Sharma, rushed for a special general convention at this crucial period, instead of waiting for a few more months for the general convention.

It wasn’t to do with their utter hatred for the veteran leader and former Prime Minister Sher Bahadur Deuba. They may be frustrated with him, of course, for his many wrong decisions in the past, but they certainly seem not to hate him. Nor was it the result of the duo’s excessive greed for power. Even as the special general convention, called by the majority of convention delegates, was transpiring in Kathmandu, Thapa and Sharma had asked Deuba and his top team to declare an alternative leader as party chair and as future prime minister. Gagan claims he had not insisted on himself. He’d sought anyone—except Deuba!

I give some credit to Gagan Thapa as a visionary leader. He can better understand what is coming, what is at stake, and what the best course of action is. One can remember how he bravely stood, together with Narahari Acharya, for the termination of the Hindu monarchy, as advocated by the Maoists. He understood the tide of history long before others did. He was punished for entering the uncharted territory; the party had firmly stood for a constitutional monarchy at the time.

Gagan saw that, in the aftermath of the Gen Z movement, the Nepali political landscape was transforming dramatically. As elsewhere in the world, populism was rearing its ugly head. Some clever young men had made ample use of social media apps and smartphones to project themselves as heroes before the frustrated and angry youth, even though they had no vision for the future of this nation.

Thapa and his followers appear to have felt the urgent need to fight elections with a new person proclaimed as the future prime minister. It seems like quite a sensible pre-emptive action in support of democracy. They probably feared that people wouldn’t vote for them when the same person, Deuba, would be the chief executive yet again. As they have said explicitly, they didn’t hate Deuba per se; it wasn’t a personal vendetta. It was the fear of losing the elections horribly.

They hope that, with relatively young and energetic and visionary Gagan Thapa declared as the future prime minister, the party is in a much better position to contest elections. They hope that the younger voters eager to defy the traditional ruling elites, particularly those on the right of centre, would opt for Gagan Thapa, instead of former Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah.

Is this strategy to nip the bud of cheap populism going to work? We shall see. But it’s best for their party, and more importantly for democracy, at this critical period, for Deuba and his coterie to accept the defeat and stop challenging the winners in the law courts. Legal cases will only complicate matters, add elements of uncertainty to the March elections, and throw democracy into disarray.

Stop blaming foreigners

Frustratingly, as in many other developments, some pundits and politicians have blamed foreign powers—the US and India in particular—for orchestrating the division of the Congress. I find these baseless allegations senseless and ludicrous and, frankly, stupid.

What do foreign powers stand to gain by breaking one party or another? I worked as a local officer for the British Embassy from 2001 to 2008. From personal experience, the envoys do keep a close eye on what’s going on in Nepal and attempt to convince Nepali powers to work for mutual interests. However, they do not spend their entire time in office plotting against parties.

It would be one thing if Thapa had an entirely new foreign policy as compared to that of the old guard. If his position on foreign aid was averse to the interests of our donor friends. So far as we know, particularly in the area of diplomacy, Thapa is basically no different to Deuba. For example, the conflict within the Congress was not about the difference in opinions on whether Nepal should align more closely with China or the US.

Let’s come to our senses. Let’s unite to conduct a free and fair election and bring democracy back on track. Let’s do it peacefully and honestly. We must think of ways to boost our failing economy and foster social justice and equality. To that end, all powers, both national and international, must cooperate. As Jake Sully (played by Sam Worthington) says in the third instalment of the Avatar universe, “You cannot live like this, baby, in hate!”