It’s been 100 days since the Gen Z movement of September 8–9, a youth uprising demanding good governance and an end to corruption and nepotism plaguing the country.

The Gen Z revolt toppled the Nepali Congress-CPN-UML coalition government and installed an interim government, led by former chief justice Suhsila Karki. The House of Representatives was swiftly dissolved on September 12 and House elections announced for March 5, 2026.

The Karki government formed a three-member judicial commission on September 21, with a three-month term, to look into the killings of protesters as well as the vandalism, arson and other violent activities that rocked the country.

As the commission’s deadline nears its end, it has quizzed almost all relevant officials except then-prime minister KP Sharma Oli. Commission officials said they are preparing to record Oli’s statements.

Another major development is an agreement signed on December 10 between the government and Gen Z groups recognising the September revolt as a ‘people’s movement’.

“It can’t be said that nothing has happened, nor can it be said that everything has happened. But the Gen Z movement has certainly brought a kind of tremor in the political process,” said analyst Hari Sharma.

The issue of intergenerational change has become more prominent. After the youth uprising, top leaders of major parties have been challenged seriously. The UML not only felt the need for a general convention a year ahead of schedule, but the party’s all-powerful chairman—Oli—has also been seriously challenged by his comrades. At the party’s general convention, which kicked off on Saturday, delegates are voting for a new leadership.

The issue of generational shift in leadership has been raised in other parties as well. Even in other set-ups such as offices and families, a mindset has developed that the voices of youngsters must be heard, which Sharma said is in itself a positive achievement.

Political analyst Chandra Dev Bhatta said the government became more entangled in day-to-day affairs than addressing the demands of good governance, which meant these demands could not be adequately addressed. Bhatta, however, was quick to add this might be because the government was formed with a mandate to hold elections, limiting its ability to focus on those issues.

For Bhatta, the 10-point agreement reached between the government and Gen Z groups is a significant achievement. How that agreement will be implemented in the days to come remains to be seen, he added.

From the perspective of transforming political debate, Bhatta shares a view similar to Sharma’s, arguing that the Gen Z movement should be taken positively.

“By establishing the view that youngsters must enter politics and that politics should move forward in a different way, the Gen Z movement has transformed Nepal’s political landscape,” Bhatta said. “The decisions of the government coming after the elections will determine whether the current political discourse will translate into action.”

However, the Gen Z uprising has not been viewed only in positive light. In particular, the incidents on the second day of uprising are viewed differently. The UML, which led the government at the time, claims that the Gen Z movement was infiltrated by people having criminal motives and has repeatedly suggested that there are serious conspiracies behind.

The Gen Z protests caused massive disruption nationwide, leading to a loss of 2,353 jobs and inflicting physical damage totalling Rs84.45 billion, according to a government assessment.

The committee formed to assess the losses and prepare a reconstruction plan submitted its report to Prime Minister Sushila Karki on December 11. Committee coordinator and National Planning Commission Secretary Rabi Lal Pantha presented the report.

According to the report, employment of 2,999 people was affected while goods and services worth Rs13.84 billion were disrupted due to the unrest.

Given the manner in which public and private property was vandalised on September 9, established political parties and their leaders tend to view the Gen Z movement with suspicion.

But analyst Sharma argues that it is wrong to view movements solely under conspiracy theories.

During the movement, Singha Durbar was set ablaze and significant damage was caused to various key institutions, including the Supreme Court and the Parliament building. Sharma argues that the movement should not be analysed only from a conspiracy perspective.

“Conspiracy is the antithesis of democracy,” Sharma stressed.

Nepali Congress youth leader Shankar Tiwari views the Gen Z movement more as a political upheaval than a conventional movement. Tiwari said the modality of uprising may not be defined well using set political concepts.

According to traditional concepts, a political party calls for a movement and it unfolds on the strength of that call. In September, the protests carried out by a group having no formal organisation brought down the government.

But because the participants themselves lacked an organised structure, they fell short, somehow, in institutionalising the achievements of the movement, claimed Tiwari.

Tiwari also says that after the protests, there was a search for the movement’s agenda, followed by a search for its leadership. More importantly, nearly 90 days after the protests, an agreement was reached between the protesters and the government on how to take the movement—something he thinks is unusual in itself.

“Those who rushed to dissolve Parliament after the protest—in the absence of a legitimate institution to establish their agenda—have started demanding the House be reinstated,” Tiwari claimed, pointing to some Gen Z groups. “Nevertheless, the Gen Z movement succeeded in placing the issue of change among political parties and this should be seen in a positive light.”

Amit Khanal ‘Urja’, a representative of the Gen Z movement, also believes that the 10-point agreement is a main achievement of the movement. But, he too doubts the agreement will be implemented in full.