The trade war initiated by US President Donald Trump intensified with the imposition of a 50 percent tariff on India. This led many in the Trump administration to accuse India of being responsible for the Russian war with Ukraine. India’s decision to seek rapprochement with China and Modi’s agreement to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit in Tianjin were, therefore, landmark events, as many other countries try to navigate the US dictation of a global order at the cost of rising powers. The SCO meeting at Tianjin assumed significance in the larger context of the global trade war.

This time, the SCO meeting was the largest gathering of the countries consisting of 10 members, two observers and 14 dialogue partners. The SCO countries boast 30 percent and 40 percent of global GDP and population, respectively. Amid the US administration’s recent approach to global trade, it appeared that the Chinese-led organisation remained an attractive option to push for a ‘multipolar world and a multi-polar Asia’. Multilateral organisations have been a key feature of India’s foreign policy.

India and the SCO Summit

Analysts are critical of India’s decision to warm up to China without settling historically outstanding border disputes. Though China has consistently argued for setting aside border disputes and working on areas of mutual interest to strengthen its bilateral ties with India, after the 2020 border clash in Galwan, India was sceptical of China’s intentions. Since then, India has been pressing to restore the status quo ante in eastern Ladakh.

However, as the Special Representative talks resumed, the two countries agreed to work for a “reasonable and mutually acceptable framework” to resolve the boundary dispute. They have ruled out that their bilateral relations should not be seen through a third-country lens, i.e., the US. India is equally careful not to subscribe to the China-dominated world order that Beijing wants to build. But it realises that economic imperatives also dictate normalisation of relationships.

A Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) has already been established. China’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi visited India in August this year. Soon after, India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval travelled to China. This was followed by Prime Minister Modi’s visit to China after seven years. These developments signal that both countries are trying to make a new beginning, despite their differences on geopolitical matters. This facilitated Modi’s attendance at the SCO summit.

This meeting demonstrated bonhomie between India, China and Russia. While Russia is a longstanding partner of India, the Russia-China relationship has evolved as the two countries have been targets of Western diplomatic onslaught.

Some analysts have urged the US to make a realistic assessment of its relationship with India, considering the partnership between the two countries over the past two decades. This fracture in India-US relations also questions the broader strategy of the US in the Indo-Pacific. Yet, prior to Prime Minister Modi’s visit to the Tianjin SCO summit, he visited Japan—a longstanding partner in the Indo-Pacific—to signal that India would be developing close relationships with other QUAD countries to secure its interests.

The SCO Summit

According to Prime Minister Modi, three pillars—security, connectivity and opportunities—are important for the organisation as India connects to Central Asian and Middle Eastern countries. India also emphasised that there should be no double standard on terrorism and welcomed the initiative of the SCO to establish centres to deal with organised crime, drug trafficking and cybersecurity.

The member states emphasised forming an equal and indivisible security architecture in Eurasia. The SCO Development Strategy for the Next Decade (2026–35) guides the member states to work for all-round development. The emphasis on counter-terrorism, extremism and radicalism is not new for the organisation. But given the member states’ own agenda, cooperation on terrorism has not been very effective.

Although Afghanistan was not invited to the SCO summit, it was mentioned in the Tianjin declaration. The member states affirmed their commitment to make Afghanistan independent and neutral, and free it from terrorism and drug trafficking. However, instability has afflicted the country. It has long served as a safe haven for Al-Qaeda and other terrorist groups, whose cross-border activities continue to threaten regional stability.

The summit also touched on green energy, weapons of mass destruction, the chemical and biological weapon conventions, mechanisms to combat cybercrime and artificial intelligence. Some member states reiterated their commitment to China’s Belt and Road initiative. The summit underlined the Greater Eurasian Partnership, which would promote dialogue with other organisations like the SCO and the ASEAN.

Connectivity is the key

While the geopolitics and economic dimension of the SCO found an emphasis, the most important aspect is connectivity, which would leverage the existing connectivity networks in the region and build new ones. Already, India is committed to the International North South Corridor (INSTC) and the India-Middle East Corridor (IMEC) and was involved in developing the transport corridor in Afghanistan.

The concept of Cooperation among the SCO Member States on Transport Decarbonisation, Promoting Digital Transformation and Technological Innovation for More Efficient and Sustainable Development, agreed in New Delhi in July 2023, remains significant apart from other such initiatives adopted in various SCO summits. North-South and East-West corridors are already being explored.

At the SCO Trade Ministers’ Meeting on September 6, India emphasised the role of services, trade and the temporary movement of skilled professionals. It also stressed the importance of diversifying and de-risking supply and production chains. This would help countries deal with uncertainty related to monopolisation of supply chains by some countries.

The SCO has remained a forum that brings together countries from Eurasia, the Middle East and South Asia. This unique organisation has a large geographical spread, motivated by its objective to establish a multipolar world that will provide it with geopolitical elbowroom. Most of these countries do not want to be part of the sphere of influence of dominant powers, nor do they wish to bandwagon with a particular country. Instead, they aim to maximise their national interest through trade, connectivity and enhancing their security interest. The organisation is a vehicle for asserting a multipolar world united by the common interest of member states.

Pattanaik is a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi, India.