A long-awaited breakthrough emerged this week in Baluwatar. The first-ever tripartite meeting between the interim government, political parties and Gen Z representatives broke the ice between the established parties and Gen Z representatives. For over a month, mistrust and misunderstanding had driven a wedge between the old parties and the youngsters who took to the streets on September 8 and 9. Wednesday’s dialogue has narrowed that gap.

The broad understanding that emerged from the meeting should be built upon. It was heartening to see the majority of actors assembled in Baluwatar on Wednesday support the March 5 elections. At a time the country is in an uncertain political transition, there can be no better way out than through the ballot box. Yet, amidst a chorus of commitment, a few dissenting voices were also heard. The CPN-UML continues to insist that Parliament be reinstated before polls, the Rastriya Prajatantra Party clings to the dream of monarchy’s revival, while Gen Z representatives like Miraj Dhungana want elections not for a new parliament but a directly elected prime minister. While there might be merit to the argument of a directly elected executive, again, whether the country should go down that path must be decided through the ballot box. The same for the RPP’s demand for monarchy or Hindu state. As Gen Z leader Uparjun Chamling said in the meeting, “The current movement is about changing mindsets, not the model of the state.”

Likewise, the UML’s demand for Parliament restoration is also out of step with the broader political consensus emerging in favour of timely elections to set the country’s future political course. Its apprehensions about security and constitutionality of the new government’s formation deserve consideration, but they do not justify abstention from the snap polls. By resisting the election, the UML risks damaging its pro-democratic image.

Interim Prime Minister Sushila Karki’s assurance that the government will continue consultations with all sides is timely too. Old parties—even the Nepali Congress and the CPN (Maoist Centre), both of whom have expressed their readiness to go to elections—still doubt the intent of the interim government that seems to be struggling to adjust the demands of various competing groups. The old parties also worry that regressive forces could hijack the aftermath of the Gen Z revolt and push them to the sidelines. It is up to the Gen Z representatives and the government elected with their mandate to reassure them on this.

There are other reasons to doubt the feasibility of March polls. One is security. The Nepal Police, the first line of security providers in any elections, is low on morale and resources after the Gen Z uprising. Is it up to the task of holding nationwide elections, especially at a time when hundreds of hardened criminals are on the loose and up to 1,000 pieces of police weaponry looted during the protests remain unaccounted for? Also, with elections just four months away, is there enough time for the Gen Z groups to form political parties so that they can credibly compete in the elections? And if they cannot do so, will they try to spoil the poll climate? Given these uncertainties, it is thus up to both the old and new forces to keep talking and try to remove each other’s doubts. There is no other way.