The Gen Z rebellion is nearly seven months behind us. Most independent analysts and a large majority of the rank-and-file in major political parties, except the CPN-UML, have now accepted that the September 8 protests were a spontaneous eruption of public anger, particularly among the younger generation, against established political parties and their leaders. The use of force by the government against young protestors on the night of September 8 was excessive. The controversy regarding the arson of public and private buildings on September 9—who planned it, who funded it—persists.

The UML, at the behest of its Chairman and then Prime Minister, deposed by the rebellion, KP Sharma Oli, claims ‘foreign forces’ orchestrated both September 8 and September 9 protests. Based on leaked reports, the Commission investigating the Gen Z protests stopped short of investigating the events of September 9, citing ‘insufficient time’. The UML’s claim remains unverified. Also, there is no clear self-standing ‘Anti- Foreign Interference Act’ in Nepal. The existing laws on foreign interference are scattered throughout the statutes. That makes any conclusive ruling on the claim challenging.

Regardless of whether the ‘foreign forces’ allegations are true, dismissing the Gen Z rebellion as foreign-orchestrated denies the very essence of the uprising: Intense public anger towards the political class, which has betrayed the people’s trust for decades. This denial is not only disingenuous but also undermines the intelligence of Nepalis and their desire and ability to effect change. However, this is exactly what unpopular or failed leaders worldwide do when their power is challenged—blame foreign interference for their failures.

Supporters of Sri Lanka’s deposed President Gotabaya Rajapaksa blamed unidentified foreign forces for the July 2022 protests against his corrupt government and his eventual fall. Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh perceived the influence of a ‘white nation’ in the protests against her corrupt regime. Leading to the declaration of an Emergency in 1975, Indira repeatedly claimed that ‘the malevolent hand of the CIA lay behind India’s problems, foreign and domestic’. Russians accused Americans of instigating the Orange Revolution in 2022, which overthrew Russia’s puppet government in Ukraine. Donald Trump blamed the country’s Supreme Court Justices for ruling against his tariff policies. I could go on.

The controversy surrounding the events of September 9 provides an opportunity to explore ‘foreign interference’ within a wider context. In our interconnected world, wealthy and influential countries are always competing to expand their influence internationally. In this environment, no country—whether developed, developing, or underdeveloped—is immune to foreign interference. Such influence is exerted through diplomatic channels, in accordance with the norms set by the Vienna Convention, or through direct interference in the targeted domestic country's affairs by clandestine means. The former is legal, while the latter is illegal. It is the responsibility of the government in power to manage such interference. In Nepal, we incessantly cry wolf but fail to manage these issues. Countries like Canada, Australia and the USA serve as examples of successful management.

Effective management

An investigative journalist from the Globe and Mail, Canada's national daily, reported in 2022 on China’s covert efforts to influence the outcomes of Canada’s 2019 and 2021 federal elections. Under Canadian law, such activities are regarded as foreign interference and are illegal. A public inquiry concluded that ‘China did interfere in the 2019-2021 elections’, but under existing laws, the actions of those involved did not constitute criminal conduct. Therefore, the Commission did not recommend prosecution of those involved. The Chinese government denied any involvement. Nevertheless, the Government of Canada expelled some Chinese diplomats in connection with related incidents. Indians are also considered among the main perpetrators of clandestine activities. In March 2024, six Indian diplomats were expelled. Following the Commission’s report, the Canadian government expanded the definition of ‘Foreign Interference,’ making it easier to prosecute the accused in the future.

Charles Hamilton, a professor of public ethics at Charles Sturt University in Canberra, details Chinese infiltration in Australia in his acclaimed book Silent Invasion. To combat this infiltration, the Australians established a ‘Counter Foreign Task Force’ in 2019, banned Huawei 5G, and enforced a foreign influence transparency register. Under legislation enacted under Australia’s ‘whole-of-society’ concept, covert, deceptive, or threatening actions by foreign actors intended to influence Australian politics, academia, media and industry are punishable by law.

When Russia was suspected of interfering in America’s elections, the US Government established a Special Counsel Investigation, commonly known as the Mueller investigation (2017–2019), to examine Russian interference in the 2016 US presidential election. The investigation led to the indictment of 24 Americans involved with the Russians and several Russian nationals.

In all the cases cited above, the allegations of interference were investigated by a trusted public agency and the agency's findings were strictly enforced.

Managing foreign interference

We, Nepalis, talk endlessly about foreign interference in our internal affairs and suspect a malicious foreign intent behind almost everything significant that occurs—whether it is the Gen Z rebellion, Balen Shah’s appointment as Prime Minister, the MCC agreement, or the killing of the King. There is no denying that our geopolitically sensitive location attracts big-power interests in our affairs. However, not everything substantial that happens here is driven by those interests. Some may be, but most are not. To date, despite the unending chatter about foreign interference, none of our alleged interference cases has been publicly investigated, nor has any perpetrator been officially identified. It is our government and political leaders’ responsibility to manage interference when they occur.

Unfortunately, we lack the legal mechanisms and resources to combat interference. There are no clear laws defining foreign interference. Public trust in our investigative institutions is minimal, and their credibility is often questioned. Our reliance on foreign aid for economic survival severely limits our ability to hold donor country members involved in malicious activities accountable.

We all want to minimise foreign interference. To achieve this, we must strengthen our public institutions in a hurry, pass laws against interference, enforce them vigorously, and reduce our economic reliance on external sources. Otherwise, the Foreign Bogey will never leave us.