On March 27, the very first Cabinet meeting of the newly elected Balen government announced a series of reform measures to improve governance, including a plan to offer a state apology to Dalits and other marginalised groups. This was also part of the election manifesto of the ruling party, Rastriya Swatantra Party. Many Dalits seem elated by this announcement.

No doubt, this move, similar to the apology issued by some Western governments to the indigenous peoples they’ve destroyed and displaced, has a symbolic value. It indicates that the state has finally recognised its mistakes and seeks to redress them. But is this government likely to hit the rigid caste structure and ensure liberty to more than 13 percent of the nation’s population? I’m afraid I’m not very optimistic about that. It will probably do something superficially, but it will likely not target social hierarchy. The new rulers seemingly do not see caste hierarchy as a problem in the first place.

Another cheap stunt?

The planned state apology to Dalits appears not to be borne out of a genuine desire to dismantle the caste hierarchy or to enforce caste equality on the ground. Societal change does not seem to be a priority for the party.

Following the violence during the Gen Z protests, this government is mainly geared towards improving good governance and corruption control. These two measures are seen as key to our future economic progress. These are very important issues, of course. But the daily infliction of caste hate is not perceived as a part of poor governance.

The RSP has only scratched the surface. They don’t dig deeper into issues like social structure, class and caste divisions. They dare not touch sensitive and potentially controversial issues like untouchability. Untouchability is, after all, religiously sanctioned and culturally approved.

The new kids on the block are not seeking radical change. They have openly stated that they are interested in serving to promote the middle class. Lower classes and castes don’t matter much to them. Elected MPs from this party are mainly educated and middle-class men and women from every cluster.

The religion angle

Is it any wonder that Shah performed an elaborate puja, including the chanting of Sanskrit mantras by 108 Brahmins, just before his inauguration to the office of Prime Minister? His religious zeal meant that he contravened the constitutional definition of Nepal as a secular state.

It is noteworthy that none of the democratically elected leaders, at least after the fall of the Panchayat regime in 1990, has done this. Only the Shah kings and Rana prime ministers did it. One fears that Balen Shah might well be inspired by the Hindutva movement in India.

A problem with our new prime minister is that we hardly know anything about the man. We don’t know what he actually sees from under those dark glasses. He has not spelt out his ideology, whether he belongs on the political spectrum, or what his policies are vis-à-vis geopolitics.

One can deduce something about Balen’s vision from his brief social media posts. He has earned his fame by pouring his ire against the ‘corrupt’ politicians and stirring public anger and frustration through those posts. But he hasn’t expressed his anger or frustration with the caste system that has damaged so many communities for so long.

In comparison, his colleague Lamichhane is very vocal. He has used his remarkable oratory skills to spread hate against the political establishment. But, aside from sometimes sharing his unhappiness with incidents of caste violence—as in the case of the murder of Nabaraj BK and his five friends in Soti, Rukum, in 2020—he has never advocated societal change for caste equality.

So, one wonders, how come they suddenly decide to apologise to Dalits? Well, it’s a very nice stunt. It sounds great, it is capable of making headlines in the media, but it doesn’t cost anything, and it doesn’t require the government to do anything substantial to tackle entrenched and structural issues.

What should be done?

The government must take the problem of caste discrimination seriously. If the Balen administration wants to bring about real change, these are some of the things it must do:

First, add a new article or clause on Dalit rights in the Constitution, declaring it illegal to practise untouchability even under the banner of religious or cultural tradition. Form appropriate laws and enforce them strongly.

Second, get rid of token agencies like the Dalit Commission and use the funds instead to run an effective national campaign against caste hate. Liaise with Dalit activists and pundits and Jaisis and other religious authorities to preach against Manubadi traditions.

Third, create a policy of immediately suspending any party member, including the top leaders, when they are guilty of committing caste discrimination both in their personal and public lives. Like charity, reform begins at home.

Fourth, train the police, prosecution, executive branches and local authorities and sensitise them on the problem of caste discrimination. Make proper budgetary and other arrangements so that victims of caste violence have easy access to justice, so that the criminals connected to power have a minimum chance of evading prison.

And finally, implement the key provisions of the Constitution to protect Dalit lives and properties, to ensure their dignity and to promote their upward social mobility.

Economic advancement is important, but it should be accompanied by societal change. Caste hierarchy has been a serious impediment to our progress and prosperity, peace and security. Lest we forget!