Ever since the four major parties declared the six-province model, Tharu lawmakers, activists and civil society member from across political lines have put their differences aside to protest against the proposal. Thirty-two Tharu lawmakers from Nepali Congress and the UCPN (Maoist) and fringe parties have formed Tharu Lawmakers’ Unified Struggle Committee. Last week, Tharu leaders called for a four-day strike across the Tarai demanding a separate autonomous region for the Tharus. Rajkumar Lekhi, former chairperson of Nepal Federation of Indigenous Nationalities (Nefin) and central committee member of the Tharu Kalyankari Samiti spoke to Dewan Rai about the discontents of the Tharu community and the federalism they seek. 

Why are you opposing the draft constitution?

The Tharu Kalyankari Sabha, on behalf of Tharu community,  putforth its demands at the CA about a year ago. We met the CA Chair, the prime minister, top leaders of the four parties, chairpersons of the Constitution Drafting Committee and Political Dialogue and Consensus Committee and handed over them our 45-point demand letter. We were assured that they would incorporate our concerns. But they did not keep their words. So we were forced to launch protests to put pressure on the leaders to include our concerns. But when the provinces were declared, we were forced 

to announce stronger protest programmes. 

We will never accept the demarcation of provinces until and unless they meet the five criteria of identity and four bases of capability. We are disappointed and angered at the deception. So we have no option but to protest against the move of the major political forces. 

What are the concerns of the Tharu community?

First of all, it is important to understand why we want a new constitution, state restructuring, inclusion and inclusive proportional representation. It is because of the exclusion of the Muslims, Madhesis, Janajatis, Dalit and the people of Karnali by the state mechanism. Nepal was an ethnic unitary state for over 250 years. That is why we want identity-based federalism. We want state restructuring to put an end to the exclusion of the marginalised people.  

We demanded that the Tharuhat movement be mentioned in the preamble of the constitution. We have demanded a Tharuhat Commission and Freed Kamaiya Commission to work for the Tharu community. As for the delineation, the people of the Tarai should not be compelled to travel to the mountains or vice versa. So, our suggestion was to not carve provinces consisting of areas in the Tarai, hills and mountains together. Now, they have carved provinces consisting of all three ecological zones.

So what is your proposition to resolve the issue of demarcation?

The Tharus as well as the Madhesis have no reason to accept this 

demarcation. However, we have not claimed only the Tarai districts. We want land upto the Chure range. We have also included this in our demand letter. Joining the flatlands of the Tarai with mountainous districts is impractical. 

What about Kailali and Kanchanpur districts that are now part of the province that also includes Achham, Dadeldhura Darchula and Doti?

This province has been designed to exploit the Tharu community, to turn them into political slaves and treat them inhumanly. The Tharu community will be a minority in the 

province. The province has been deliberately structured to exploit the 

Tharu community. This is unacceptable to us. The Tharus are ready to pay any price, even sacrifice themselves for change. Dang, Banke, Bardiya, Kailali, Kanchanpur and some part of Surkhet districts can make an ideal Tharuhat province. This will be acceptable to all. 

But the Tharu lawmakers do not seem to be concerned about it. 

We have nothing to say to those who want to become slaves to political parties. However, the Tharu community which has been exploited and discriminated against for centuries is not ready to accept the six-province model. A few leaders, who belong to the Tharu community, support this model because they want to be in power. They do not represent the Tharu community. The Tharus have already taken to the streets and those few leaders in power should understand what Tharus actually want. 

Do you believe that your objection to the draft constitution will make any difference?  

We have participated in a number of movements in the past, be it 2036 student movement and 2046 movement, the People’s War, the 2063 popular movement, the Madhesi movement and the Tharu movement. People have sacrificed themselves for change. Yet, leaders do not take these things seriously. But as I mentioned before, we are ready to pay the price for our freedom. We do not have any illusion that these leaders will give us our rights so easily. We have seen ‘revolutionist’ Pushpa Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ building an empire and forgetting those who sacrificed their lives for his interests. We are no fools to expect anything from such leaders. 

What in your view should be the basis of provinces then?

The government had signed an agreement with Tharus after the Tharu movement that left five people dead. However, the government never implemented the agreement. 

This shows that the state does not want to empower the people or give them any rights. So there is no alternative to another movement. And this time, it will not just be the Tharus but also the Madhesi, Muslims, Nefin, Dalits and other backward castes who will support us. 

But the leaders seem determined to bring the constitution. 

Let them bring the constitution. We have already announced protest programmes—general strikes in the Tharuhat and other parts of the Tarai. 

How can the six-province model ensure the concerns of the Tharu community?

This is similar to the five development region model.We wanted federalism to facilitate public for services and facilities. We want a situation wherein people do not have to 

come to Singha Darbar. But these provinces are similar to the old model of decentralisation created to fool the public. 

What needs to be done then?

We have been saying five criteria of identity and four basis of capability for carving out provinces. Tharuhat autonomous region is our demand. We have been saying equal number of provinces in the hills and terai. 

Can you elaborate on those criteria? 

Almost all political parties in their election manifesto have mentioned five criteria of identity and four basis of capability. Ethnicity/community, language, culture, geographical and regional and historical continuity are identity factors and economic interrelationships, infrastructure development, availability of natural resources and administrative feasibility are capability factors. These political parties had also agreed on these basis. Now, four major parties scrapped the agreement, forging a new agreement. Are these four leaders above constitution, CA or Supreme Court? We are not slave to them. We should not obey whatever they order. They are not our master. 

There are other issues such as citizenship and secularism which are yet to resolved. What is your position on them?

The ruling parties and the foreign forces want to create instability and fulfill their interests. As Nepal has people practicing many religions—Buddhism, Muslim, Kirat, Christian, Hinduism and so on—the state should not have a religion. People of different religions should have equal rights as mentioned in the Interim Constitution. 

What are the chances of your alliance with Madhesi and other parties?

We already support each other. We have formally decided to compliment each other’s movement. The Madhesis, Muslims and Janajatis should all fight together. 

What will you do if the draft constitution is passed without incorporating the changes you demand?

We will never accept it. We will tear it burn it and it will pave way for a new conflict. If they bring the constitution forcefully ignoring our concerns, this country will be set on fire. You have already been seeing the protests in Kailali, Kanchanpur, Jhapa, Morang, Nawalparasi and Chitwan.  Soon enough, the leaders will soon feel the heat.