For quite a long time, Nepalis had no option but to vote in conformity with their old political fan clubs, merely serving their own interests rather than the greater good. They never fostered bigger dreams. After long-serving, tested politicians failed to perform better, ‘change’ became a buzzword throughout the nation. Fueled by public anger and frustration, some urban and suburban Nepalis formed an ideologically unanchored party in 2022 and called it Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), which translates to National Independent Party—practically implying freedom from any old political doctrines.

The new party mesmerised the public with hype and charm, deploying a set of fresh faces in national media after a long time. The RSP brand quickly became the talk of the town, especially in the middle-class segments of rural and urban Nepal.

As a reaction to aggressive gerontocracy in almost all institutional domains and particularly to the social media ban imposed by the UML government, Nepal witnessed a Gen Z revolt on September 8-9, 2025. The uprising resulted in the bloodshed of 76 Nepalis all over the country, with an estimated Rs85 billion worth of loss.

The aftermath of the Gen Z movement further exacerbated the need for urgent change in mainstream politics, threatening the shares of political power of the old parties—the Nepali Congress, the UML and the Maoists (now NCP). This led to a call for a snap election in the country, putting the RSP brand in an advantageous position.

The RSP alone was unable to encash this situation as they were not fully able to imbibe the spirit of the Gen Z movement owing to their fragile ideological and methodological standing. So, a significant space was provided to the urban elites who somehow managed to show their faces and create viral, decent political reels during the movement.

Enter the viral part-time rapper, full-time Mayor of Nepal’s biggest metropolis Balendra Shah in the RSP show.

Shah, hailing from the Madheshi community and with approximately 58 percent of the total national votes coming from Madhesh province, was a sound marketing strategy for RSP’s PM candidacy. His candidacy also stood for political revenge against prevailing gerontocracy dominance. The new ‘Balen’ flagship featured in the RSP brand sent ripples in the public sphere. The party eventually won 182 of 275 HoR seats—a landslide victory. Yet the possibility of a new sound turning into a melody now seems probable.

Irrespective of government changes, for the Nepali middle-class, the question of accessible quality education, health, food and energy has always been the wolf at the door. As RSP is an embodiment of middle-class thought, it is shackled to fulfil the very economic and political aspirations of its major voters. Ironically, the party is not ready to listen to the rising middle-class cries—rising commuting charges, burgeoning rent, fuel and energy prices, and midnight hustle for cooking gases, just to name a few. And, mind you, blaming external shocks for these signals of economic havoc would betray the middle class twice, inviting mistrust in the party.

The mistrust loop it invites seems complex. Investors are unable to regain their confidence, whereas consumers now fear spending. The father of capitalism, Adam Smith, says it is the ‘invisible hand’ that corrects the market. However, even the invisible hand seems to fail in Nepal’s economic landscape. Meanwhile, sitting RSP ministers suspect each move of the political actors, whether inside or outside the party. Such developments have not only confused the RSP’s core members but have also left its voters bewildered, unsure of what to make of the unfolding political fiasco.

The RSP’s 100-day plan, touted as the blueprint for immediate reform and cherished by the public initially, remains uncelebrated for failing to answer some important ‘wh’s: who benefits, who was intently excluded, and, importantly, who gets to decide? Technocracy, though not purely antithetical to democracy, creates hurdles when expertise starts substituting political deliberation. RSP’s technocratic illusion is becoming counterproductive to its integrity, with its technical correctness presented as political neutrality, leaving the agendas of distribution, priorities, recognition, and social justice aloof.

The gap between the RSP’s promise of transformation before the election and the governance experience now feels real. Everyday frustration is back to its norm, whether it be standing in long queues or paying extra rupees in bills. A layman is increasingly finding themself disillusioned with the RSP’s anti-establishment rhetoric, subtly reminding the regime of the persisting Nepali crisis of political faith. Such a situation not only adds to the public distrust, but a failure of populist promise may discredit RSP’s wanna-be Raghav Chadha or any ambitious ‘Ivy League netas’ and might spark a possibility of change which we Nepalis are tired of now.

The RSP, a politically neutral platform embracing significant influencers, is undoubtedly facing pressure to ‘look good’ in the eyes of Nepali society, be it inside or outside the country. This has been further illustrated by the duality of RSP parliamentarians on a plethora of regional and national issues. In democracies, questioning one’s own party is a healthy practice; it strengthens democratic values. However, the matter of integrity cannot be subjugated when it comes into the hands of the ruling party. In doing so, a ‘fit-in’ strategy might further escalate the doubt about conflicts of interest within the party and introduce another level of chaos.

Today, young Nepalis are unlearning faster than before. They desire more transparency, accountability, equity, inclusivity, ethical governance and fair participation. And the most beautiful thing is that we are learning how to start a dialogue to demand these desires in a much more responsible manner. The central idea of democracy is not to eliminate politics through expertise but to place expertise within political realms—subject to scrutiny, ideological and methodological orientation, accountability and public judgment. So, just in the name of ‘governance’, the impending issues on federalism, financial decentralisation, secularism, gender, inequality, informality, distribution, caste and social justice cannot be subdued. Though the RSP’s dream has seemingly become untrendy, these impending issues don’t easily erase themselves from public consciousness—the party has no excuses to ignore the writings on the walls.