It is clear as daylight that Benjamin Netanyahu never wanted the war in Gaza to stop. This is the highlight of his career as a politician, a star on his resume. The ceasefire was never a real one, and his government had no intention of keeping it. A continued genocide, the killing of women and children—unfortunately, we are witnessing a classic case of striking a Faustian bargain in real time. The Netanyahu government spent approximately $31 billion on the war in Gaza (and Lebanon) in 2024. Additionally, the country has received substantial military aid and grants from its biggest ally, the United States. Despite the massive support received, Israel's budget deficit and defence expenditure are on the rise. Is this a war against Hamas, or is this a well-funded war against humanity, with the most vulnerable—children and women—overwhelmingly represented in the number of deaths?

We have heard about the vision of beachfront villas and real estate in Gaza, turning the rubble into a "paradise" for whoever can afford to go on a holiday on the strip. Perhaps ethnic cleansing is more economic than forced relocation and displacement of people. This barbaric modern-day, high-tech genocide has capitalistic goals. Policymakers and deal-breakers are already counting their return on investment. There are talks about moving Palestinians to Sudan and other countries, but this has not materialised. That begs the question: Should Israel be moved elsewhere, perhaps to a country with more land mass? Since its "modern democracy" is such an anomaly in the Middle East, perhaps a safer continent would reduce the need for so much defence expenditure and chaos.

Now let's look at the legal basis for breaking a ceasefire. A ceasefire can be broken if one party is acting in self-defence. Under international law, specifically under Article 51 of the United Nations Charter, a state has the right to defend itself against armed attacks. A party may decide to unilaterally break a ceasefire if they feel that the other side is not adhering to its commitments, such as stopping hostilities, allowing humanitarian aid or returning prisoners. This decision may lead to the breakdown of the ceasefire agreement, depending on the circumstances. In some cases, a party may break a ceasefire due to the need to address urgent humanitarian concerns or violations of human rights. For instance, if one side is blocking essential humanitarian aid or committing atrocities, the other side may decide to act in response, breaking the ceasefire in the process.

The problem with such broad strokes within international law is that the country breaking the ceasefire can act based on "feelings" and hunches—much like a false alarm that is allowed to echo through the halls of diplomacy unchecked. Why did Israel cry wolf this time, raising the spectre of a threat so vast that it justified the resumption of violence? Was it truly a threat, or was it merely the latest note in a symphony of pretext, a calculated narrative spun to justify what was already in motion? We may never know, not until the real intelligence is laid bare, if it ever is. This ongoing barbarism has shown us that international law and UN bodies are mere tools of aspiration; there is much less accountability if it's the very powerful against the powerless because the arbiters operate within the colonial framework. International law's role, unfortunately, is only limited to diplomacy. It can only penalise countries in the subaltern world.

B'Tselem, an Israeli human rights organisation, reported that at the end of December 2024, the Israel Prison Service was holding 9,619 Palestinians on "security" grounds. Following the Hamas-led attack on October 7, 2023, approximately 251 individuals, including Israelis, were taken hostage to Gaza. As of late February 2025, as many as 147 hostages have been returned alive to Israel, with 105 released in a prisoner exchange in 2023, four unilaterally by Hamas, eight rescued by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF), and 30 in a 2025 exchange. Bodies of 44 hostages have also been repatriated. This leaves approximately 59 hostages still held in Gaza, according to Israeli sources. Hamas's refusal to release hostages was cited by Israeli officials as a contributing factor to the collapse of the two-month truce. Netanyahu declared that Israel had "resumed combat in full force" against Hamas, with the March 18 strikes described as "just the beginning." How many Hamas members were actually killed out of the many women and children brutally maimed, already worn out from war, loss and hunger?

Let's take a sneak peek inside Israel. There are protests outside of Netanyahu's house. The court hearing on his corruption had to be postponed; interestingly, it was scheduled for the same day as the attack. The question is: Who is trying to hide under the rubble of the war to escape the hearing? The Israeli prime minister is undergoing a corruption trial involving charges of bribery, fraud and breach of trust. His scheduled testimony was cancelled due to the Israeli military's "surprise" attack on Gaza, which ended the ceasefire. Strategic and well-thought-out decisions and their implementations are not surprises. If this is just the beginning, as Netanyahu declares, then it will only get worse from what has happened so far.

There are no human rights violations that have not happened in this genocide, and nothing comes as a surprise. What is surprising is that no international pressure has been enough to put a stop to this mayhem. In fact, human rights violations from this genocide have spilled over the borders of Gaza to the neighbouring countries and across oceans and continents, where fear has been steered in marginalised communities for speaking out for human rights. A shadow keeps looming over people just for exercising their basic human right of speech.

What can global citizens do? We can continue to advocate, provide essential aid and support Palestinians in writing their own history, in building their own capacity—whether it's through education, arts or innovation. We keep sharing across borders. Let's also not forget the routine human rights violations that occur in Ramallah, Hebron, Bethlehem, and Nablus. If the US is wise enough, it will also recognise that the return on the investment in death machines won't be much, and that losing its foreign policy acumen to a foreign power won't bode well in the long run.

- The Daily Star (Bangladesh) / ANN