Gen Z protests against corruption escalated a day after a state crackdown killed 19 people on September 8. Demonstrators vandalised and set fire to Singha Durbar, the Parliament building, the Supreme Court, the Commission for the Investigation of Abuse of Authority, the President’s office, media houses, and commercial and industrial centres.

The army, tasked with securing Singha Durbar and the President’s Office, failed to protect the offices of the vital institutions during the unrest. The cause of the lapse remains unclear, despite the army’s attempts to explain its position.

Following the resignations, first, of Home Minister Ramesh Lekhak and then Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli after the government’s crackdown, Nepal saw a complete breakdown in law and order for nine hours. With police abandoning their posts, pressure from the army chief and leaders of four security agencies prompted Prime Minister Oli to resign.

From 1:30pm, when he submitted his resignation, until 10pm, Nepal had no functioning legal authority. Oli fled the prime minister’s residence in Baluwatar in an army helicopter. The caretaker prime minister, ministers and key leaders of major political parties were under Nepali Army’s security protection.

The army issued a public notice at 9pm and assumed security command at 10pm. In the nine-hour gap, private, commercial, industrial, and public property saw extensive damage, and 54 people were killed.

Protesters entered and vandalised the Parliament building at 1:52pm on September 9. By then, Army Chief Ashok Raj Sigdel was at the Prime Minister’s residence in Baluwatar along with Chief Secretary Eknarayan Aryal, Home Secretary Gokarna Mani Duwadi, Nepal Police Chief Chandra Kuber Khapung, Armed Police Force Chief Raju Aryal, and National Investigation Department head Hutaraj Thapa. Their briefings and requests led to PM Oli’s resignation.

Army Chief Sigdel and other security heads agreed not to use force against protesters the following day. In a morning meeting at Singha Durbar, they decided to ask for the prime minister’s resignation, citing the situation as beyond control. At 11am, security chiefs at Baluwatar were instructed by Oli, who warned of potential foreign intervention, referencing India’s annexation of Sikkim in the 1970s.

“After his lengthy speech, separate consultations followed,” said an official. “It took time to convince the prime minister. Some second-rung UML leaders had advised resignation the day before, but Oli feared stepping down would plunge the country into crisis and refused to relinquish his responsibility.”

Army Chief Sigdel reportedly said resignation was the correct step, given the situation. When Oli refused, security chiefs held repeated meetings at Baluwatar. Only after warnings from the heads of the Nepal Police, Armed Police Force, and National Investigation Department—that delaying could worsen the crisis—did Oli resign. His resignation was submitted to the President through a military security officer.

Immediately after Oli’s resignation, a military helicopter landed at Baluwatar. “By then, 3,000–3,500 protesters had gathered at the main gate of Baluwatar. The prime minister’s helicopter took off after some protesters had already entered the premises,” a military source said. The helicopter carried Oli, his spouse Radhika Shakya, and private secretary Rajesh Bajracharya.

Another helicopter from Baluwatar transported Chief Secretary Aryal, Army Chief Sigdel, Home Secretary Duwadi, Police Chief Khapung, Armed Police Force Chief Raju Aryal, the then NID Chief Hutaraj Thapa, and Valley Police Chief AIG Dan Bahadur Karki to the army barracks. UML leader Bishnu Paudel and others stayed at Baluwatar. They later somehow moved via the Speaker’s residence to Police Headquarters in Naxal, leaving Naxal only at midnight.

Amid escalating violence, army generals held an emergency meeting at Nepali Army Headquarters on September 9. “The discussion focused on whether to deploy the army to prevent physical damage. “After considering various suggestions, Army Chief Sigdel concluded any action should be aimed at stopping further loss of life,” said an officer.

The city’s streets were left without police presence, and the army arrived late. By the time troops were deployed, much of the capital had already been damaged. “The army does not use batons. Had we intervened earlier, remember, the army is equipped with automatic weapons,” an officer said. “Our priority was to minimise harm to people.” The army maintained effective control over the state for three days.

Talks with Gen Z representatives

Army Chief Sigdel addressed the nation on the evening of September 9 and simultaneously began political talks. Between 11pm and 2am, he met Gen Z representatives. Dhīraj Joshi, present at the first-day talks, noted there were initial doubts about the army’s role.

Though Gen Z pressed for peace and security, the army focused on government formation. “Our main demand that night was restoring law and order. Only after that did we plan further talks,” he said. With the city in shock, the priority was to create an environment where people could sleep safely despite the absence of state authority.

Gen Z representatives returned to the army headquarters early next morning, where incidents from the unrest helped both sides clarify expectations. Gen Z leader Rakshya Bam told Army Chief Sigdel the meetings were discussions, not negotiations. “We wanted peace and order maintained in a tense situation,” she said. Sigdel responded positively.

Durga Prasain, who led pro-monarchy protests in March, and Rastriya Swatantra Party chair Rabi Lamichhane were also taken as stakeholders in the army-mediated talks. Gen Z leaders made clear that Prasain and Lamichhane were not part of their movement and refused to include them.

More than 20 Gen Z representatives visited army headquarters that day. Army Chief Sigdel met them all and scheduled separate meetings to set agendas and coordinators. Gen Z held internal debates before entering the discussions.

On the afternoon of September 10, a young negotiator asked Sigdel, “Are you trying to stage a coup?” Sigdel replied, “If we were planning a coup, we wouldn’t have called you here.” From that day, the army appeared to back Gen Z’s agenda.

Senior military officials acknowledged that some groups urged the army to take control. “While there were calls for the army to step in, we carefully considered the long-term consequences. Our discussions with Gen Z, Durga Prasain, and the Rastriya Swatantra Party were aimed solely at preventing any group from staging protests the following day,” one official said.

Officials said they helped unite Gen Z members from different factions to form a common stance, even though President Ramchandra Paudel had already invited them for talks.

“The Gen Z group was too large to meet the President all at once, and they didn’t fully trust any state institutions at the time,” the official said. “Even Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah expressed willingness to work with the army, which made coordination smoother.”

In that situation, managing the crisis was the army’s responsibility, and it engaged with all parties while staying within the bounds of the constitution, the official added.

On September 10, with a strong army on the streets and top leaders in the barracks, Kathmandu-based foreign embassies requested briefings. Around 4pm, army officials invited military attachés from the embassies to the NA headquarters. Sigdel assured them, “This is not a military takeover, it is not a coup,” emphasising that democracy remained intact.

Then, on September 11, after nearly nine hours of discussion, at 7 pm, Gen Z representatives nominated former Chief Justice Sushila Karki as their prime ministerial candidate. Protests outside the army headquarters eased after Kathmandu Mayor Shah voiced support for Karki. Sigdel then contacted Karki and forwarded Gen Z’s recommendation to President Paudel.

After Gen Z’s recommendation, the army consulted political party representatives. Some second-rung leaders from Congress and UML suggested addressing Gen Z’s demands through the parliamentary process. “There was even a proposal to appoint a new prime minister from among young parliamentarians, with Gen Z’s backing. But with Shah backing Karki, all other options were set aside,” said an official at the President’s Office.

President Paudel also consulted legal experts and met Maoist chair Pushpa Kamal Dahal. Congress leaders were briefed by phone. There were discussions with the outgoing Prime Minister Oli and some UML leaders. For a smooth transition, the army facilitated an agreement with the President to appoint Karki.

To accelerate the process, mobiles of leaders in the barracks were collected for security reasons. “We had no choice. Rumours could have leaked from phones,” officials said. With increasing pressure, Karki was appointed prime minister on September 12, and the House of Representatives was subsequently dissolved as per the prime minister’s recommendation.

Army deems its strategy appropriate

The army has concluded that its role in stabilising the country after the protests was positive. In a strategy review conference, senior officers said steps taken to restore order and stability were appropriate.

“Protesters distrusted all state bodies, but the army did what was necessary,” an official quoted Army Chief Sigdel as saying. “Gen Z’s political demands had to be addressed politically, and the army stayed within its limits.”