Last week, as protests and unrest swept the country, screens lit up across Nepal. People were glued to their phones and laptops, refreshing feeds incessantly for updates on the chaos unfolding in real time.

Many even shared online: “For the first time, I’m this invested in the news, I can’t stop refreshing my feed every second.”

But as people scrambled for information, a parallel crisis emerged online. Since September 8, alongside the loss of lives, injuries, and widespread vandalism, a flood of misinformation began circulating, stoking fear and panic.

Experts say that during moments of upheaval, whether political unrest, protests, or natural disasters, the information space becomes unusually vulnerable. The public’s hunger for updates, combined with heightened emotions, creates fertile ground for false reports to spread.

“Last week was a fertile period for misinformation, disinformation, malinformation, propaganda, and hate speech,” says Ujjwal Acharya, director of the CMR Nepal Journalism Academy and project Head of NepalFactCheck.org (an IFCN-certified fact-checking initiative in Nepal).

The term ‘infodemic’ first rose to prominence during the Covid-19 pandemic, but experts say the past week in Nepal bore many of the same traits.

There was an overwhelming flood of misinformation, amplified by the public’s reaction to it. “These often get mixed in with accurate updates to such an extent that people don’t have the time or clarity to reflect on what’s true and what’s false,” Acharya added.

At the same time, experts say weak safeguards added to the infodemic.

From weak digital and media literacy, slow or inadequate communication from verified sources, and the unpreparedness of civil society, media and digital-sector organisations, to the failure of social media platforms to curb volatile content. These factors created an infodemic of its own, says Santosh Sigdel, executive director of Digital Rights Nepal.

Some viral examples include rumours that the Army was taking over, the monarchy was being restored, or that Sudan Gurung from Hami Nepal was an Indian citizen.

These were not the only ones.

On Tuesday, a Facebook page called Corporate Bazaar shared a video claiming that protesters had reached Pashupatinath Temple and attempted vandalism.

In the video, people are seen climbing the temple gate. A fact-check later revealed that the video had been originally uploaded nearly two months earlier by a TikTok user named HamroJatra on Vatsaleshwori Jatra.

Acharya notes that in such a volatile moment, misinformation like this carries enormous risk.

“That particular misinformation on Pashupatinath was dangerous because it played on religious sentiments, which could have triggered serious unrest,” Acharya adds.

False reports also emerged regarding the health of Ravi Laxmi Chitrakar, wife of former prime minister Jhala Nath Khanal.

Indian media outlets, including Mint and Times of India, claimed she had died following attacks on leaders’ residences. Dhruv Rathi’s YouTube channel repeated the claim in a video titled ‘What’s really happening in Nepal?’.

It was later found to be false, and Kirtipur Hospital Director Kiran Nakarmi confirmed that Chitrakar is in critical condition in the ICU.

Misinformation also targeted the Nepali Army. On September 11, Facebook user Tej Bikram Karki shared a live video showing armoured vehicles, allegedly without number plates, moving from Hetauda toward Kathmandu.

The video’s creator, who sounded frightened, suggested the vehicles might not belong to the Nepali Army or external military mobilisation. Soon after, the video began circulating, fuelling claims that the army was preparing to take over and that the monarchy might be reinstated.

It was later found that the movements were routine logistics from the Simara base to the Panchkhal Central Camp.

There are also claims about Chuchchepati Bhatbhateni circulated. On September 13, Facebook user Vinay Lama, who has 63,000 followers, posted a video claiming that over 35 human skeletons were found at the store. Police spokesperson SP Apilraj Bohara confirmed that only six burnt bodies were recovered, making the viral claims exaggerated.

These examples show how misinformation during the protests ranged from recycled old videos to exaggerated or false reports from both social media users and media outlets.

Acharya adds that one key lesson from this crisis was the need to prioritise which types of misinformation to fact-check urgently. “Some pieces of misinformation carry strong elements of malinformation, deliberately misleading content designed to cause harm. So, we focused on those narratives that posed the highest risk of escalating violence,” he explains.

Shehnaz Banu, programme manager at Purak Asia, says the wave of misinformation did more than inflame anger; it left an already agitated population emotionally unstable and vulnerable to provocation.

High emotions, she notes, weaken critical thinking, making individuals more likely to share unverified claims.

During crises, people also spread news with good intentions, hoping to protect others.

For instance, when messages circulated in small groups warning that hostels were under threat, many shared them to give residents time to flee. “The intent may be to help,” Acharya cautions, “but such unverified warnings can also spark intense panic.”

Experts recommend a more cautious approach: flagging suspicious information privately with disclaimers rather than amplifying it publicly, where likes and shares lend it false credibility.

Another factor, Sigdel adds, was the lack of timely updates from formal sources. Information from Nepal Police, the Army, chief district officers, and government media was slow or limited, leaving a vacuum filled by posts from individuals.

In that space, doxing, the nonconsensual exposure of personal information online, was also widespread.

Social media users shared home addresses and other private details, and in some cases, those homes were subsequently vandalised. Opportunistic actors with vested interests seized on the unrest, actively circulating false information.

Experts also say the crisis exposed the limits of Nepal’s media literacy and how that weakness amplified misinformation.

Banu adds that the misinformation wave fuelled fear and panic, accelerated by the rush to “break” news before verifying it.

Polarisation worsened the situation, with even those trying to correct false claims being attacked and labelled as partisan. “In such times, we need to reflect on our own biases before sharing anything,” Banu cautions.

Speculation was another major driver, notes independent journalist Namrata Sharma. “Guesses about what might have happened were being shared as fact, compounding confusion.”

Citizen journalism surged during the protests, with ordinary people recording and sharing live videos, photos, and updates from the streets.

While this grassroots reporting helped share information that might otherwise have gone unnoticed, it also created opportunities for manipulation. “Citizen journalism can be a powerful tool, but without verification, it can also become a vector for misinformation,” Sharma explains.

While misinformation during periods of unrest is not new, experts say what made this wave unusual was whom it affected. “Even those we consider information-literate or media literate could not escape falling victim to misinformation—and in many cases, sharing it,” says Acharya, who has monitored misinformation trends since 2017.

Previously, research suggested that misinformation primarily influenced social media users with lower media literacy.

This time, however, Acharya and his team found it spreading within smaller, seemingly informed circles such as doctors, civil servants, civil society and media members.

Information circulated among these small discussion forums made more impact, where trust among members made false or speculative claims more persuasive.

For example, Sharma was asked by international media about rumours that Kulman Ghising or Balen Shah could be the next prime minister, or that the president was put under house arrest by the Army. Some outlets even reported it as fact, showing how small online speculation can quickly gain outsized influence in a crisis.

The events over the last week also exposed the unpreparedness of key stakeholders, says Sigdel. State agencies, media organisations, fact-checking bodies, and civil society alike struggled to contain the flow of misinformation, along with social media platforms.

Problematic videos like calls for arson and vandalism, spread freely despite violating community guidelines, while many suspected that critical posts like ‘nepo baby’ were being suppressed.

“If that is true, it shows platforms are amplifying harmful content while silencing dissent, an issue that must be addressed,” adds Sigdel. “Digital rights bodies need to do a case study of last week’s events online.”

Looking ahead, Nepal faces growing risks of coordinated misinformation campaigns as elections approach. Experts stress the urgent need to strengthen media literacy and critical thinking.

Experts urge the public to pause and think before sharing content. “Check trustworthy sources. While mainstream media is not perfect, 99.9 percent of the time they provide accurate information,” Acharya emphasises.

For digital rights organisations, aside from reactive fact-checking, proactive measures like alerting the public in advance on likely misinformation narratives during elections or protests are equally crucial.

Swift intervention and timely communication from formal authorities remain essential safeguards.

Banu further adds that mainstream media must also go beyond just producing content and take an active role in promoting media literacy and combating misinformation during crises.

“Until the elections, vested groups will continue spreading misinformation,” said Sharma. “It is not just the media; every individual with a phone must verify information. The government has other national priorities, so vigilance is on all of us.”