A political structure with a directly elected executive, such as a directly elected prime minister or president, is reportedly a key demand within the Gen Z movement. Miraj Dhungana, a Gen Z activist, has, for example, called for a directly elected executive.

Because Gen Z is a movement without clear leadership, it is hard to pinpoint what the proposed system of a directly elected executive would look like. It is also unclear whether the idea has widespread support or is just a passing fringe proposal.

But the idea is so dangerous for Nepal’s progress that even if it were just a passing fancy, the possibility must be immediately challenged and scorched to the ground.

To end corruption and bring meaningful political reforms, Gen Z must end centuries of caste and social exclusion in Nepal. For generation after generation, upper caste Bahuns and Chhetris have exercised a stranglehold over political power. They have benefitted immensely from their positions of power, systematically excluding lower castes and indigenous communities from growth and economic opportunities.

Corruption and abuse of power have persisted under Nepal’s many different political systems over the years because the underlying socio-economic structures allowed authority to shift from one gang of upper-caste beneficiaries to another. In the meantime, lower castes, indigenous groups, and marginalised communities that never enjoyed access to power got pushed further away from economic opportunities, sinking deeper into poverty and growing inequality.

To end corruption, we must find the courage to correct these persistent historical wrongs that have sustained it. The only way to secure that is by devolving power—transferring genuine political authority to communities and people so that they can chart their own development.

Nepal’s existing constitution seeks to do exactly that—at least on paper.

The structure of Nepal’s secular federal republic, supplemented by a system of direct and proportional representation, devolved power to communities with equal rights for all. Nepal’s current constitution secures the rights of all people, transfers authority to communities and provides a clear path to progress for everyone. It is one of the best, most progressive constitutions in the world.

It is hard to imagine that many of the same political leaders vilified today in the Gen Z movement were those who crafted that very constitution. The constitution shouldn’t be held responsible for the failure of political parties and individual leadership.

Alas, if only Nepal’s constitution were implemented as intended and written. Buildings may have burned to the ground in the protests, but the transformative power that the constitution offers remains untouched.

Gen Z activists and leaders now face a choice. They can demand that the constitution be fully implemented—transferring power, hope and opportunity to communities and people. Or they can chase after an illusory idea of a perfect person who will be directly elected, will only do good things, never engage in corruption, and not have any “nepo kids” —which in the end will be nothing but a justification for another generation of exclusion, oppression and corruption.

Absolute power corrupts absolutely

Political leaders who were chased out of their residences, attacked or had their houses burned during the Gen Z protests were themselves inspirational Gen Z leaders many decades ago.

As a young communist activist, Puspha Kamal Dahal ‘Prachanda’ led a transformative revolution that morphed a rag-tag group of villagers into an armed rebellion that brought in sweeping political changes. Many Nepalis were drawn to his vision for equality and greater economic opportunity for all. At the time of the Gen Z protests, he was the Maoist party chief and leader of the opposition in parliament. Protestors burned his house.

In his younger days, KP Sharma Oli was an inspirational activist who advocated for landless peasants, fought against landlords, and joined the movement against the Panchayat system. He spent 14 consecutive years in prison. At the time of the Gen Z protests, he was the prime minister and leader of the United Marxists Leninist party. During the protests, he fled to safety under army security, and his house was burned.

A much younger, inspirational Sher Bahadur Deuba, with the gift for fiery speeches, established and led a college student union that played a key role in Nepal’s democracy movements. He spent nine years in prison for his efforts to bring multi-party democracy. At the time of the Gen Z protests, he was the leader of the Congress party, a prime minister in waiting and his wife was the foreign prime minister. His house was burned, and he was attacked.

Arzu Rana Deuba, wife of Sher Bahadur Deuba, broke into Nepal’s political scene as a strong champion of women’s rights, equality and representation. Armed with a PhD in organisational psychology, a much younger Arzu Deuba seemed poised to challenge the dominance of men in politics and open the door to broadening women’s representation. At the time of the Gen Z protests, she was Nepal’s foreign minister. She made a narrow escape after protestors physically attacked her and set her house on fire.

Despite their trailblazing and inspirational starts, by the time of the Gen Z protests, these leaders had all been widely discredited in public as being extremely corrupt. What made them go from such powerful change agents in their youth to being chased out by the very people they intended to serve?

In the end, it doesn’t matter how honest and high-integrity a leader may be when they start. Power corrupts—absolute power corrupts absolutely.

Only checks and balances can keep political leaders on track and shield them from the corrosive influences of power. A system of government divided between the executive, legislative, and judiciary provides some of the checks and balances. But in Nepal’s case, these institutions are not strong enough. A strong, directly elected executive could easily overcome them.

Nepal lacks the most critical checks and balances system: routine non-violent civil society participation. Effective civil society participation requires a stronger press, civil society organisations, different pressure groups, enough funding for civil society participation and less political patronage.

Nepal lacks these social checks and balances—even the bare minimum needed. This is why a directly elected executive would be a disaster for Nepal. Imagine if KP Sharma Oli had been a directly elected prime minister—a few years ago, he probably would have comfortably won national direct elections for prime minister.

Progress in Nepal is not about the one leader who will magically know all the right answers, do all the right things and never be corrupt. Such a person cannot ever exist—or even if they did, the unchecked executive power would be too much of a temptation to resist.

The best hope lies in distributing power. The answer to progress will lie not in hoping and praying for better politicians. It lies in honest ordinary people who will go on to make great things happen as farmers, doctors, musicians, traders, artists and many more.

Nepal’s secular, federal, republican constitution offers exactly that—an opportunity for everyone to realise their own destiny. Let’s implement it fully, even as we rebuild the buildings to house it.