Torrential rains in the last week of September caused devastation in many parts of the country. The death toll of the calamity crossed 200, thousands have been homeless, and the damage it has inflicted upon the national economy is still to be fully assessed. When disasters strike Nepal, the presence of the government in rescue and relief operations is usually symbolic: An earthmoving equipment here, an army unit there, or a team of bewildered police personnel at some places trying to cope with emergencies that they are neither trained nor equipped to handle.

In a coping mechanism that is charitably called “the resilience of Nepali people”, the affected population is often back on its feet through individual efforts. Even though somewhat muted, the Hindu novena of Dashain was celebrated, and the preparations for the five-day-long Tihar festivities have already begun.

Several squatters managed to reassemble their damaged shanties themselves in the floodplains soon after the rains subsided. Houses submerged due to overflowing drains in low-lying localities have been cleaned up through individual and community efforts. But in a testament to the apathy of all three tiers of the republican order in the country, debris deposited by floods continue to decompose in the riverbed, and plastic waste lifted by torrents still flutter like flags from branches of trees and lamp posts all along the Bagmati Corridor.

Had the federal government considered it an emergency, an army team would have been deployed to clear the garbage from roads along the riverbed in the Kathmandu Valley within few days. The provincial government of Bagmati needed no new laws to show its presence during a calamity—even a symbolic act of the chief minister working with a shovel would have conveyed an uplifting message. Shamed into action, the Lalitpur metropolitan government has called upon its citizens to volunteer for the clean-up drive. It’s still not too late for the celebrity Mayor Balendra Shah to follow the lead of his senior colleague.

Cultural roots

Despite loud claims to the contrary, almost all religions with their “packaged superstitions”—including political religions such as communism and free-market fundamentalism—are regressive, and Hinduism is no exception. With an established tradition of karma, vacuous pride in traditions and institutionalised inequality of caste hierarchy, it is harder for a republican order to take root in societies where the Sanatan Dharma is the dogma.

If Hindu monarchs of the past were avatars of Vishnu, elected leaders seem to get away with characterisations such as “Durga astride a tiger” or a human being “not born biologically”. One doesn’t question a divine being even when the person must acquire political legitimacy through the popular mandate of lesser mortals. The transactional relationships of patronage and support between politicians and their followers aren’t uncommon, but the unquestioned loyalty of the herd to its shepherd perhaps owes its origin to the tribal instinct and religious beliefs extant in many societies.

It seems the citizenry in Nepal get so little from their government and yet don’t complain because they have been conditioned to demand nothing from the representatives other than some personal favours in lieu of allegiance—an appointment, a contract or some assistance in favourably resolving a dispute—once in a while. Let alone integrity, even civility and decency are seldom expected from politicos who exercise control over the resources and instruments of the state.

When the citizenry is apathetic, Premier Khadga Prasad Sharma Oli can easily get away with a questionable largesse from an oligarch under investigation to build the headquarters of the ruling party. Despite his past entanglements—OMNI scandal, links with Yeti Group, Giri Bandhu land swap case, profligate actions and outrageous outbursts—Sharma Oli remains the unquestioned supremo of the CPN-UML and an idolised chieftain of the Khas-Arya ethnonationalists across party lines.

Former Deputy Prime Minister and Chair of Rastriya Swatantra Party (RSP), Rabi Lamichhane, has been arrested and remanded into custody for further investigations of serious charges on judicial orders. The Supreme Court had once removed him from the office of the deputy prime minister and ousted him from the membership of the parliament for violating citizenship laws. In any other country, it would have meant the end of a political career, but in the land of “Never ending peace and love” that is Nepal, Lamichhane continues to command the fierce loyalty of White Shirts and “People Like Us” (PLUs) of the urban middle class.

In a society where piety is more prevalent than virtue and rituals are more valued than rationality, it’s extremely difficult to institutionalise republican principles of liberty, equality, fraternity and secularity. No wonder followers blindly line up in support of their petty, populist and ‘elected monarchs’ such as Sharma Oli, Lamichhane, Shah, or even the Mayor of Dharan sub-metropolitan city Harka Sampang. In a deeply rooted culture of piety and fealty, a political manipulator can get away with anything as long as he—leadership is a male bastion—manages to dupe the flock with his bluster and bombast.

Economic compulsions

Hardcore adherents of republicanism may disagree, but just as authoritarianism is intrinsic to monarchism, financial improprieties are integral to almost all electoral systems that reward their winners with enormous authority to disburse concessions and distribute freebies to oligarchs who have funded their rise to power. Legal theorist Camila Vergara recognises the “systemic corruption” and argues that grassroot assemblies independent of political parties and representative government can help establish an “anti-oligarchic republic” of plebians. However, it’s not unusual for uncanny oligarchs to exploit grassroots movements.

It was argued that the Tea Party movement morphed into Trumpism with Trump agreeing that it “still exists — except now it’s called Make America Great Again.” Even though Arvind Kejriwal was the direct beneficiary of Anna Hazare’s India Against Corruption (IAC) campaign of the PLUs in India, it also prepared the ground for the phenomenal spread of Hindutva politics.

There is undoubtedly some merit in Ram Manohar Lohia’s roar in Hindi, “Agar sadkein khamosh ho jayein tau Sansad awaara ho jati hai (If the streets fall silent, the Parliament goes berserk)”. But irrespective of its plebian, oligarchic or liberal antecedents, all republics have to ultimately go to the polls to acquire or renew their legitimacy. Civic movements are necessary but not sufficient for the functioning of a republic.

No matter how well designed an electoral system is, polls are always skewed in favour of political parties with competitively large purses. The temptation of fresh entrants into the electoral fray to fall for dubious domestic or foreign contributions is thus understandable even if not acceptable. There is no easy treatment for the endemic disease of democratic systems, but perhaps institutionalisation through broadening of the support base and continuous correction of political parties can help alleviate painful symptoms.

Building a sustainable and responsible political party is a work of generations that requires an ideological commitment of organisers and supporters alike. When people pay, parties will be forced to become accountable. Premier Sharma Oli’s alleged plans to ease party splits through an ordinance are not just shortsighted but downright dangerous. Ambitious politicos need to discard their privileges if they wish to build new platforms for themselves.