Our self-important politicos falsely believe they have made huge sacrifices for the country.

Without more aggressive politicisation of the inclusive agenda, cultural divisions are unlikely to end.

Oli wants to be the republican inheritor of Hindu rule, by mingling royalist yellow with Marxist-Leninist red.

The anti-Maoist elements of civil society have made Oli an icon of Khas-Arya ethnonationalism.

With more holes in it than a strainer, the convoluted constitution was fated to fail.

Oli considers the amoral pragmatism of Marxism-Leninism and Maoism to be the guiding principle of his political life.

The structure of the Hindu Rashtra is gradually being erected in what was once a raucous and yet thriving democracy.

The excitement of achievement in 1990 turned out to be a rather short one.

This Fagua marked the end of a distressing year filled with many avoidable and unavoidable deaths.

Human rights advocacy and supremacist jingoism do not go together.

The pyrrhic victory of democracy has restored judicial supremacy in place of Parliament’s sovereignty.

Harmless as it may seem, the political call for a Hindu Rashtra poses a mortal threat to the very idea of an inclusive Nepal.

Ethnonationalism and democracy are incompatible principles, where equal protection of all citizens clashes with the privileges of the core ethnic group.

The challenge for Nepali society is to work for a relatively peaceful transition.

Doctrinal vacuity could have survived political scrutiny had Oli been able to deliver the development that he has been peddling.