Many people are migrating within countries across south Asia to cope with extreme weather. In Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal, people often move from rural homes to urban metropolises when their homes and livelihoods become damaged or threatened by cyclones and storms, floods and droughts.

Most previous research has focused on migration of men who move to seek employment and how that affects the women and families they leave behind. But many women also move as a result of climate-related extreme weather.

Migrant households take many forms. My team’s research involved collecting data both through surveys and interviews with close to 1,200 households across these countries. Our work reveals a complex picture.

In India, Nepal and Bangladesh, women tend to be more involved in farming and livestock care. Men migrate to cities to work in construction or factories, often returning home for annual visits, or more often if they are closer to home.

“My husband has been away for many years,” 35-year-old Bagyalata, who lives in Odisha, a state in eastern India, told us. “I am busy with cattle and other farm work throughout the day but am also responsible for the children. Whenever there is any problem, the teachers ask me to come.”

But in Bhutan, it’s more common for women to move away to find work, either on their own or with their families. As one 45-year-old man describes: “My wife lives and works in Thimphu. As the eldest son, I returned to the village to look after my parents and disabled brother. Our family relies on income from oranges, but this has been declining due to irregular rainfall and new [crop] pests.”

Bhutan and Nepal are both mountainous areas prone to floods and landslides. Water collection has traditionally been a woman’s task. But piped water systems provided by the state have made water supplies more reliable and accessible. That said, other domestic and care tasks such as cooking, childcare and care of older relatives continue to remain the responsibility of women. This leaves them with little time for other activities. One woman, Darji, in Nepal told us, “I could do tailoring, but with caring for the family and animals, I don’t have any time”.

Who controls the assets?

Despite contributing more to the workforce, women in Bangladesh, India and Nepal still don’t have much control over assets (land ownership and family finances). They don’t get much say in terms of political leadership either.

In Indrawati, a rural region in Nepal, one woman living with her two children told us: “Although my mother-in-law permits me to use the land to farm vegetables, I must give her half the harvest.” Access to land continues to be mediated through family and kinship structures.

In Bhutan, matrilineal inheritance or the inheritance of land through the female line (from mother to daughter) means that women own more land, especially in non-migrant and couple-migrant households.

It is only when women migrate that they start to have control over the income they earn and investments they make. This can strengthen the decision-making position of other women who remain, as households reorganise around women’s contributions, both in terms of money and social support.

One 40-year-old widow in Odisha, India, had multiple jobs in order to support her four children. She farmed millets and turmeric plus she collected firewood in the forest and foraged for seasonal foods such as mushrooms. Her oldest daughter moved to a coastal town to work in a fish factory.

The widow told us: “She wanted to go … there was no money at home. She said she will make extra to help us.” Payments from her oldest daughter provide financial support for the family. That extra money also enables her to make somewhat risky financial decisions including shifting to a cash crop, cashew in this case. Cashews are subject to both price fluctuations and climatic variability, but they can lead to more profit, so she hopes this risk will pay off in the long term.

Reconfiguring the norm

Climate pressures deepen some existing gendered and intergenerational inequalities. For example, extreme weather can increase women’s work burdens without necessarily improving their asset ownership, financial control or community leadership.

But our research shows how climate pressures have complex influences on migration and adaptation. Climate migration can lead to a renegotiation of household relationships – this depends on who moves and who stays. Other factors include the material conditions and resources available to the household, the social dynamics and support, as well as gender norms around roles, responsibilities and expectations.

In Nepal, we see overall a movement towards building more reciprocal relationships. This enables parents to contribute jointly to their future and help build a more stable future for their children. As Diya Gurung from Nepal confidently told us, “How can a husband decide without consulting his wife, or vice versa?”

Bhutan reflects a continuation of cultural advantages in terms of economic and social equity, though this is being disrupted somewhat by migration. There is currently an emphasis on building unity and community cohesion in rural areas, witnessing rapid depopulation. In India and Bangladesh, women are taking on greater responsibility to manage farms, handle finances and participate in agricultural cooperatives or savings groups, often without control or leadership.

Fair wages and working conditions are key. But beyond that, climate migration is changing the gendered responsibilities for care at home and at work within families. It also affects who owns and controls finances and land, and it influences how households make decisions. To support families as the dynamics change, it’s important to strengthen women’s land rights, improve access to financial services and support collective institutions that enable meaningful participation and leadership.

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