The recently concluded federal parliament and provincial assembly elections indicate a paradigm shift in Nepali politics. Not so long ago, Nepal’s political landscape was predominantly left but now, with the emergence of alternative democratic forces such as Rastriya Swotantra Party (RSP), Rastriya Prajatantra Party (RPP) and independents, the left’s stranglehold in Nepali politics has eroded significantly, and the gravity of politics is now more right of the centre.

What the election result signifies is left politics has failed to deliver on the socio-economic transformation they had fervently promised. Significantly, the monopoly of the established political parties has also been challenged during these recent elections. This clearly implies that Nepal’s electoral process is responsive towards change and that transformative change is achievable through greater public participation in Nepal’s democratic process. However, now that the election is over, the focus has shifted towards government formation. The election result suggests Nepali Congress is poised to form a new government.

On August 30, 2022, former British prime minister Tony Blair during his interactions at the Bled Strategic Forum, spelt out his vision for the future of governance,  in what he describes as the “third way”. The third way he suggests is that we must get out of the traditional capitalism and socialism debates as these debates have failed time and again. We must now learn from history and stitch together the ideas that stimulate socio-economic development. Blair further points out prerequisites for the success of socio-economic development: There must be a rule of law and a functioning democracy. To support his idea, Blair illustrates the contrasting development of North and South Korea and that of Sudan and South Sudan. Blair’s idea of a third way is relevant to the idea of a modern Nepal. The dogma of leftist politics, devoid of any imaginative, transformative ideas, has failed to bring about radical change. For Nepal’s left, the only thing they have been fixated on is the idea of centralised power.

Similarly, the understanding that democracy and a market-based economy are inseparable has also failed to yield any positive change. To be precise, both the democrats and the left have been besieged by their respective beliefs. The present alliance between Nepali Congress and the Maoists is not just an electoral alliance of convenience. Rather, it is politically transformative as it straddles the ideological divide stalling Nepal’s socio-economic progression. In simple words, the NC-Maoist alliance is an attempt to govern through the third way, as imagined by Blair. Nepali Congress as the vanguard of liberalism, and the Maoists who brought about change through violent radical ideas are unlikely collaborators. Yet, the present alliance between them is essential as it corrodes the bitter divide between the left and right of Nepali politics.

Another important point is the shift in demographic. The aspirational Nepali youth have become a decisive voice in the evolving electoral polity. And therefore, the debate on who should lead the next government has become a matter of public interest. Almost two years ago, at the pinnacle of left unity government, many political pundits had written off Nepali Congress coming back to power in the foreseeable future. To begin with, the verdict of these elections doesn’t directly imply the youth must be handed the power. The verdict has revealed that no single party enjoys the trust of the populace; hence, the political landscape is so fractured that only a seasoned leadership can navigate these troubled waters.

Nepal’s political stability depends largely on the ability of the political parties to sustain a coalition. The sustenance of a coalition culture in turn holds the key to Nepal’s development as frequent changes in government will derail the quest for economic development. Although there are clamours for youth to take over the leadership of the government, continuity is the mantra for holding this coalition together. Only the continuity of the present leadership will ensure the coalition survives and, continuity is what the country really needs at a time of global and domestic economic uncertainty. The passage of time will show that history will judge Deuba more generously than it does today. While Deuba’s performances during his previous premierships have been a subject of debate, what matters now is his ability to reestablish the Nepali Congress as the dominant force of Nepali politics. More importantly, Deuba’s success in leading the coalition will ensure the cultivation of greener pastures for the future generation of young congress leaders to pursue their political ambition in a field which has been evened for them by Deuba.

At the BLED Forum, Tony Blair was asked if he desired to lead Britain again, to which his reply was incisive. Blair, in simple words, said: In politics, as you get older, you get better at doing your job but you also get more unpopular. It is a funny correlation, he points out, as the first job in his life was that of a prime minister at which point, he was extremely popular but not so good at doing his job. But later in life, he became unpopular but extremely good at his job. Deuba’s vast political experience will be critical for holding this coalition together. Deuba remains undaunted by the shrill populist rhetoric for youth takeover as he is bullishly determined to seize the historic opportunity to restore Nepali Congress at the forefront of Nepali politics. And in doing so, he would have stamped his legacy as the person who resurrected the Nepali Congress at a time when the hegemony of left forces had challenged its existence.