Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli is known for his supposed ability to implement decisions and accomplish the tasks he takes up even at the cost of becoming unpopular.

But a series of events after he became prime minister in mid-July tells a different story.

In the three and half months since he assumed office at Singha Durbar, the prime minister has been compelled to backtrack on a couple of his plans or postpone them.

In the first week of September, Prime Minister Oli pushed a plan to remove Deputy Speaker Indira Rana Magar from the post and elect a lawmaker from the ruling Nepali Congress in her place.

According to multiple leaders privy to the development, by electing a Congress lawmaker as deputy speaker, Oli wanted to strengthen relations with the major coalition partner Congress, which has more seats than the prime minister’s party, the CPN-UML, in the House of Representatives.

Congress chief Sher Bahadur Deuba has a special interest in getting a lawmaker from his party elected to the post, as deputy speaker is an ex-officio member of the Constitutional Council, which nominates members and heads of constitutional bodies.

The prime minister on September 9 convened a meeting of the ruling parties and floated a proposal to remove Deputy Speaker Magar and sought a green signal from the coalition partners to his plan.

After the meeting, party leaders told the Post that Prime Minister Oli proposed removing Deputy Speaker Magar from her position, citing conduct unbecoming of her office.

Deputy Speaker Magar courted controversy after it emerged that she had requested visa interview dates from the US Embassy for individuals unrelated to her official role.

On February 26 last year, Magar wrote to the US Embassy in Kathmandu requesting a visa interview for herself and five others. Two months later, the letter was leaked, and she was under pressure to step down.

Last month, the prime minister held several meetings and consultations with a plan to introduce an ordinance to amend the Political Parties Act-2017 with an intention to facilitate party splits.

This plan also drew widespread criticism as leaders from various political parties and independent observers accused the prime minister of plotting splits of fringe political parties with a plan to merge their dissident groups into the UML.

His proposal to introduce ordinance was reportedly floated in order to merge the Ashok-Rai led Janata Socialist Party and the dissident group from the Madhav Nepal-led CPN (Unified Socialist), which in turn would make the UML the largest party in the House of Representatives.

As the major coalition partner, the Congress, reportedly did not back his proposal to introduce the ordinance, Oli was again pushed to the back seat.

These are just a few cases in point.

Oli from the start of this tenure has struggled to assert his authority.

Professor of political science Krishna Pokharel assesses that there may have been an understanding between Congress President Deuba and Prime Minister Oli to arrest Rastriya Swatantra Party President Rabi Lamichhane, who was accused of misappropriating cooperative funds, and issuing an ordinance related to political parties.

Pokharel believes that the two leaders might have reached a deal to accomplish the two goals—bring an ordinance to facilitate the split of the CPN (Unified Socialist), which was formed in 2021 after breaking away from the UML; and arrest Lamichhane.

Lamichhane, the immediate past home minister, had reportedly tried to arrest Congress chief Deuba’s spouse (current foreign minister) Arzu Rana Deuba, on charges of involvement in the Bhutanese refugee scam.

“While the wish of the Congress chief was fulfilled, the interest of the UML chair and the prime minister was not,” Pokharel said.

However, the UML leaders don’t buy this argument. Vice-chair Yubaraj Gyawali said that the government under UML leadership has just completed its 100 days, so it is too early to judge its performance.

“There are many good initiatives taken by this government whose results will come in due course,” Gyawali told the Post. “Everything that the head of the government wants cannot be achieved in such a short period, but that does not mean his influence has waned.”

But some political analysts say that Oli’s standing has declined since he became prime minister this time with the support of Congress, the largest party in Parliament.

Oli dismisses those who claim his influence has gone down.

While addressing the symposium on ‘Role of former security personnel in National Security and Development’ organised by the Nepal National Former Army and Police Association on October 27, Oli rubbished claims that his influence was steadily decreasing.

“Those who claim my charm has decreased will know the reality in the 2027 election,” Oli said.

Sarita Bhusal, a UML lawmaker, said a mistaken impression might have been created among the people. “Sometimes there are constraints to leading a coalition government,” Bhusal told the Post.

Gyawali, a vice chair of the UML, agrees. “Earlier, Oli became prime minister with the support of smaller parties. But this time, he has the backing of the largest party in Parliament, so it is not easy for him to do all that he wants.”

Oli first headed a coalition government after the promulgation of the constitution in 2015. When he became prime minister again in 2018 after the 2017 election, his party was the largest in the House. He became prime minister with the support of the Maoist Centre, which was his coalition partner during his previous stint as well.

The Congress publicity department head, Min Bahadur Bishwakarma, said his party has been giving full support to the Oli government.

“Our party has not opposed any government programme that is good for the country,” Bishwakarma told the Post. “We only caution the government on issues that may cause public backlash.”

This government was formed in the spirit of a seven-point agreement between the two parties, and achieving those objectives must be its primary focus, Bishawakarma said.

Of late, Oli has also faced criticism from within his party. Some UML leaders publicly opposed his recent decision to accept a donation from Min Bahadur Gurung, owner of Bhatbhateni Supermarket, for the construction of the party’s head office.

Experts see it as a sign of his decreasing hold in the party organisation.

Although party’s standing committee member Binda Pandey and central committee member Ushakiran Timilsina protested against it publicly, other party leaders are also reportedly dissatisfied with Oli’s decision.

Bhim Rawal, who contested the election for chair against Oli during the party’s 10th general convention in Chitwan in November 2021, also criticised Oli for accepting the donation. Sidelined by Oli, Rawal is currently inactive in the party. Even leaders like Gokul Baskota, who used to be a staunch Oli supporter, couldn’t back him on the deal with businessman Gurung.

In an interview with Image television, Baskota said, “The UML cannot accept Gurung’s donation and carry his old baggage.”

On October 28, the Supreme Court issued an interlocutory interim order barring the ruling party, UML, from building any structure on the land donated by businessman Gurung.

A single bench of Justice Sunil Kumar Pokharel said the UML-Gurung donation deal was illegal prima facie, putting Oli further on the defensive.