The centrality of provinces in the healthy functioning of federal Nepal cannot be emphasised enough. Nearly a decade after Nepal’s embrace of federalism, the country’s provincial governments remain in a state of limbo. This has not only tarnished their image in the eyes of the general public but cast doubt on their very existence. People from different walks of life are calling for ditching the provinces altogether. But amid these calls, it is once again worth asking what has rendered the provinces ineffective. A small example from Karnali Province exemplifies the hurdles that provinces face. In 2019, the province came up with the idea of having an integrated administrative building to enhance its service delivery. But the project couldn’t get off the ground as the federal Ministry of Urban Planning never permitted the province to use the land at the proposed site. This case speaks volumes about the federal-provincial divide: If a province has to beg with the federal government for years to put up a building, what are its chances of getting more substantive rights and resources?

The centralised approach is also evident in the federal level’s hesitation to adjust the police force at the provincial level. The federal government hasn’t even implemented the Police Personnel Adjustment Act endorsed by the federal parliament in 2019. The oversight extends to other critical areas like the passage of the Federal Civil Service Act. For example, the provinces demand that chief district officers function under provincial governments. Having their own police force and civil servants would have greatly helped with the functioning of the provincial governments—yet the leaders at the centre seem intent on blocking this all-important reform.

Provinces also face obstacles in establishing autonomous institutions and managing resources locally, such as collecting fines and penalties in the transport sector. Such financial restriction adds to the burden provinces already face due to the 26 percent reduction in fiscal equalisation grants for the provinces, as we saw in this fiscal year. This in turn makes provinces dependent on the federal government for financial sources—which is apparently what their federal overlords want. What’s more, even the conditional grants they get are aligned to federal priorities rather than their own. These bottlenecks have severely limited the provincial governments’ initiatives and made it nearly impossible for them to respond effectively to their unique needs.

The constitution of Nepal guarantees rights and powers to all three tiers of government—federal, provincial and local. Yet the federal government is reluctant to grant provinces their deserved rights, undermining decentralisation. In response, these provincial governments have repeatedly demanded that their voices be heard. Last month, the Koshi provincial government submitted a 10-point appeal to the National Development Action Committee, which is chaired by the prime minister, to heed their concerns on police adjustments to provinces. This is something positive, as it will build pressure on the federal authorities. All seven provinces should unite to make more efforts to hold the federal government accountable to the provinces’ needs.

The sorry state of our provinces shows our federal authorities are uninterested in devolving power to provinces and in equal development across the country. This is a deceit as it goes against the spirit of federalism. If the public grievances against the provincial governments continue, it might embolden demands to abandon federalism altogether. Federalism in Nepal will thrive only if the leaders in Kathmandu abandon their centralised mindset and commit, above all, to empowering the provinces—the indispensable middle tier between the federal government and the local units.