In January 2022, I was brainstorming with a few friends to pool funds together—a crowdfunding of sorts—to make a political movie or web series. My point was that Nepal didn’t have many political movies that inspired politicians or aspiring politicians—instead, most movies portrayed politicians as dishonest people, if not downright criminals. To be fair, being a politician anywhere in the world is difficult. The unpaid hours, days, weeks and years you put into this endeavour without any certainty of ever coming to power would deter most people from ever coming close to this field.

So, the idea behind the movie was to show that despite the very constraining environment Nepali politicians operate in, they can still make everyday decisions in the larger public interest. The story was to be something similar to “The West Wing” with a Nepali twist. This discussion took place several months before the election of Balen Shah and Harka Sampang and almost a year before the rise of Rabi Lamichhane and the Rastriya Swatantra Party. The project failed to take off as we disagreed on the plot, and the dramatic rise of Balen and others stole the thunder from some project elements.

The hook I had in mind was the emergence of a relatively unknown leader from within the system. The movie would open with breaking news that two ‘co-pilots’ of the then Communist Party of Nepal agreed to step aside in favour of a relatively unknown young leader as the next prime minister. The movie was to focus on this new leader rising to the occasion and delivering on public priorities even as the old guards in the party tried to stifle the reforms. The movie was to end in a cliffhanger with the new prime minister calling for a referendum for a directly elected PM. The parliament blocks this move, and the Supreme Court rules in favour of the premier.

A positive political movie that showcases political disruption from within the existing system could inspire reform-minded politicians while giving hope to the audience in general. As a political reporter, I have observed many leaders closely; they are generally not bad people. They are confined in the vicious cycle of their own making. They start their day very early as constituents seek help and favours. The expenses for tea, snacks and even lunches are steep. Then, there is the need to be relevant within the party to get tickets or be considered for party positions or public offices. Finally, you must raise funds to win elections and cover other expenses. Once they get elected, recouping these investments takes precedence over public service.

This is the plight of mid-level leaders. Those at the top have their tasks cut out, too. Managing the party is equivalent to making deals with different leaders to be at the helm. If you are in a position to form the government, your art of deal-making must be at a different high. It takes different skill sets, from keeping the coalitions intact to doling out limited plum positions to unlimited aspirants from the party and coalitions.

In such a constraining environment, politicians in Nepal can barely keep their heads above water. They are drowning in the system they have designed. They have no time to think about delivering on their election manifestos, let alone their personal legacy.

Reform from within

One way to ease the pressure is to amend the constitution to allow a directly elected prime minister, among other things. This would mean that the old guards might lose control over the system. But what is the use of a system that keeps the guards themselves as prisoners and forces them to engage in an endless Sisyphean exercise?

What happened in Sri Lanka in July 2022 and Bangladesh earlier this month foreshadows a larger regional political trend. While in contrast to much of the region, Nepal hasn’t seen the same level of democratic backsliding, the record on other aspects of governance is dismal. True, there is ample space for expressing discontent. But that is no consolation for the rising frustration over the lack of jobs and systemic unfairness for people without political connections. For instance, small businesses have seen a significant surge in what often appears like competing taxation from all three tiers of government, even as the business ecosystem continues to deteriorate. This will force more businesses to pull their shutters down, reducing the availability of already limited jobs in the market.

Nepal has a history of frequent uprisings and regime changes, often occurring every decade or two. By that standard, another uprising is overdue now. Nepali politicians must accept that they failed to innovate and deliver if they want to avoid a fate similar to that of their regional counterparts. They need to initiate necessary constitutional reforms.

Frequent overhauling of the political system on the wave of a political uprising doesn’t resolve the underlying issue: General incompetence, reluctance to admit failures and seek help, and the misguided belief that sacrifices made for the democratic movement absolve them of all shortcomings. While the current constitution has flaws, the bigger flaws lie in the character and content of our politics. If the general discontent is to be managed and another uprising prevented, Nepali leaders need to show that the current system can absorb both incremental and dramatic changes.

Several smaller parties have already called for constitutional amendments—on issues ranging from secularism and inclusion to governance structure. It is high time that a national dialogue and referendum be held on some of these contentious issues before momentum builds against the current system and its keepers. Political uprisings are disruptive and, at times, have a tragic habit of being hijacked by other interest groups—leaving the public worse off than before.